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Sanae Takaichi meets Giorgia Meloni at 2025 G20 Ukraine meeting (Nov, 2025). © 内閣広報室 / Cabinet Public Affairs Office / Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License / Free for use / Wikimedia Commons

Background

In recent years, the global political landscape has witnessed the rise of a distinct cohort of conservative female leaders whose trajectories complicate conventional assumptions about gender and ideology. Figures such as Giorgia Meloni in Italy, Marine Le Pen in France, Victoria Villarruel in Argentina, and Sanae Takaichi in Japan illustrate how women have increasingly come to lead movements historically shaped by male-dominated conservatism. Their leadership reflects a strategic adaptation within right-wing politics, where gender becomes a tool for broadening electoral appeal without disrupting core ideological commitments. Importantly, many of these leaders succeed despite personal choices that diverge from traditional conservative expectations. Meloni, for example, had a child outside of marriage, demonstrating that conservative electorates prioritise symbolic strength, national identity and cultural authority over strict adherence to traditional family norms.

Comparable dynamics can be observed in Colombia with Paloma Valencia and María Fernanda Cabal, both influential conservative figures, with the former selected as a presidential candidate for the upcoming presidential election in 2026. In the Philippines, Sara Duterte, whose “strongwoman” political persona extends her father’s authoritarian legacy, has huge political clout. Yet while female conservatives frequently rise within unified right-wing structures, their counterparts in left or centrist oppositions often struggle to achieve similar prominence due to fragmentation, internal ideological competition, and pressures to ground their political identity in explicitly feminist discourse. The global context, therefore, reveals that women’s political ascent does not necessarily translate into progressive change; rather, it shows how gender can be incorporated into conservative projects to reinforce, rather than challenge, existing power hierarchies.

Japanese Election: Female Leadership and Conservative Politics

Japan illustrates the gendered dynamics of conservative politics. Historically, female leaders such as Yuriko Koike in Tokyo have succeeded more as symbolic figures than as agents of substantive reform. The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), in power almost continuously since 1955, has strategically positioned women like Sanae Takaichi to project modernity without fundamentally challenging patriarchal governance structures.

Takaichi’s path to power shows how female conservatives navigate male-dominated hierarchies. After failed leadership bids in 2021 and 2024, she secured the LDP presidency in October 2025, becoming Japan’s first female prime minister. Her victory reflects both a symbolic breakthrough and continuity: While it signals a departure from male exclusivity, her alignment with traditional conservative agendas and reluctance to embrace feminist reforms underline persistent systemic barriers. Analysts highlight the decisive role of ultra-conservative Taro Aso, whose factional manoeuvring blocked Shinjiro Koizumi and facilitated her rise. During her campaign, Takaichi promised Nordic-level female representation in the cabinet and tax deductions for childcare; measures widely seen as tactical rather than ideological. Once in office, she appointed only two female ministers, reinforcing the pattern of symbolic elevation without substantive authority. Her success came after years of conformity to party orthodoxy on social issues: She opposes same-sex marriage, rejects separate surnames for married couples, and supports male-only imperial succession. Female LDP lawmakers advocating gender equality have typically been marginalised, while Takaichi’s alignment with traditionalist positions favoured by male elites enabled her rise.

Coalition dynamics further constrained her authority. After Komeito left the coalition, Takaichi allied with the right-wing Japan Innovation Party, embedding conservative norms on family registries and foreign worker policy. Her premiership demonstrates the paradox of female conservatives: They can reach the highest office while advancing agendas that limit broader gender equality. Her victory was framed modestly as a symbolic milestone, highlighting visibility over transformative power. Takaichi’s rise required factional bargaining historically dominated by men. Backing from Taro Aso was decisive, and in return, he secured the deputy party leadership and key appointments, leaving Takaichi with constrained authority. Cabinet appointments reflected this tension, as only two women were appointed and several figures with funding scandals retained posts. The coalition’s weak structure, with the Japan Innovation Party holding no cabinet posts, further limited her governing capacity.

Takaichi’s premiership illustrates that women can attain top office only within frameworks that reinforce patriarchal structures. Conservative female leaders must embody traditional morality, appeal to nationalist sentiment, and demonstrate competence in male-dominated domains. While her election represents a milestone, it does not dismantle structural barriers, and her constrained authority accentuates the shift from outright exclusion to limited, conditional inclusion.

Gendered Conservatism: A Comparative Perspective

The rise of prominent women in conservative and radical-right politics has exposed a paradox: female leaders challenge male dominance symbolically while often reinforcing traditionalist ideologies substantively. This dynamic, sometimes described as gendered conservatism, can be seen across many radical-right and conservative parties in cases such as Giorgia Meloni in Italy, Marine Le Pen in France, Victoria Villaruel in Argentina and Sanae Takaichi in Japan. Research on radical-right parties in Europe shows that female representation is often strategic, a tool to broaden electoral appeal rather than to advance gender equality. Their study demonstrates that radical-right parties may elevate women as leaders or MPs to soften their image and win undecided or women voters, even while maintaining traditionalist platforms.

Giorgia Meloni exemplifies the pattern of female conservative leaders achieving visibility while advancing traditional social norms. Although she presents herself as a modern, self-made politician, her government has promoted socially conservative policies that reinforce traditional family structures. A widely reported example is Italy’s law criminalising surrogacy abroad, punishable by up to two years in prison and fines in the millions. Critics note that the law disproportionately affects same-sex couples and non-traditional families, illustrating how female leaders can maintain symbolic representation of modernity while enacting policies that reinforce conservative social hierarchies. This reflects a broader pattern seen in conservative politics: Women in leadership often gain authority by aligning with traditionalist agendas, ensuring continuity of the very social norms and institutional structures that constrain broader gender equality.

Marine Le Pen similarly pairs strong nationalist messaging with positions that reinforce traditionalist social boundaries. While she has softened her public image over time, her party continues to promote exclusionary policies such as proposals to restrict visible religious symbols like Muslim headscarves in public spaces, widely reported in French media during the 2022 election campaign. Her leadership demonstrates that women can head radical-right projects while maintaining their core ideological priorities.

Outside Europe, Sanae Takaichi’s emergence in Japan also reflects the phenomenon of gendered conservatism. When she became Japan’s first female prime minister in 2025, major international outlets noted that her ascent did not signal a shift toward progressive gender policy; instead, she is identified with a hardline conservative agenda, including opposition to same-sex marriage and support for traditional family structures.

Yet, the presence of women in such roles often reshapes political discourse. Female radical-right/conservative leaders project authority through a blend of toughness, moral integrity, and appeals to national identity, without relying on feminist narratives. At the same time, research on media treatment of women in politics shows persistent gendered framing: female politicians are more likely to be portrayed through their personal lives and appearance rather than their policy positions, reinforcing stereotypes about women’s political legitimacy. This gendered media environment can strengthen conservative narratives about women’s “appropriate” roles even as female leaders gain prominence.

This observation raises a critical question: when might a left-leaning female leader emerge who can attain authority comparable to prominent conservative women? Such a leader would likely need to establish an independent political platform that is not solely framed around feminist rhetoric but grounded in a comprehensive governance vision encompassing economic, social and institutional reform. Achieving substantive influence would require navigating entrenched patriarchal party structures, gendered expectations and factional hierarchies that often limit women’s decision-making power. Examples such as Jacinda Ardern, former Prime Minister of New Zealand, and Michelle Bachelet, former President of Chile, demonstrate that women can exercise transformative leadership while balancing and even subverting gendered expectations and broader governance objectives. Nonetheless, the emergence of such figures remains constrained in many political systems where party dynamics, traditional power hierarchies, and cultural norms continue to privilege male leadership, raising important questions about the structural and social conditions necessary for left-leaning female leaders to rise to comparable prominence.

Policy Implications

The rise of conservative female leaders carries profound implications for political institutions, voter behaviour, and democratic representation. First, the inclusion of women in executive positions does not automatically produce progressive or equitable policy outcomes. Policymakers and international observers must distinguish between symbolic representation and transformative governance. For example, Meloni’s administration in Italy demonstrates that charismatic appeal and female leadership can coexist with policies that reinforce economic and social hierarchies. These leaders often navigate gendered and patriarchal hierarchies, leveraging societal expectations around femininity and authority to gain public visibility and electoral support while operating within systems that remain structurally conservative.

Second, the electoral success of conservative women shows the importance of affective politics: They appeal to emotional narratives of protection, family, and national pride, often transcending traditional partisan divides, which carries significant implications for democratic governance. By prioritising emotional narratives, such as the protection of family, national identity, and moral order, over deliberative policy debate, leaders can mobilise broad support rapidly, but often at the cost of nuanced and substantive institutional discussion. This can reinforce polarisation, as voters respond more to symbolic and emotional cues than to policy platforms. This may also weaken mechanisms of accountability, since affective appeal may overshadow scrutiny of actual governance performance. Over time, the normalisation of emotionally driven campaigns risks creating a political environment where charisma and identity symbolism matter more than evidence-based decision-making, potentially undermining trust in democratic institutions and reducing incentives for long-term, inclusive policymaking.

Fragmented opposition, constrained policy platforms and persistent identity framing limit the ability of left-leaning women to translate electoral support into policy authority. This suggests that achieving substantive gender equality in political leadership requires not only quotas or visibility initiatives but also structural reforms in party systems, coalition governance, and public discourse. Fragmented opposition, constrained policy platforms, and persistent identity framing limit the ability of left-leaning women to translate electoral support into policy authority. Achieving substantive gender equality in political leadership, therefore, requires more than quotas or symbolic visibility; it demands structural reforms across multiple dimensions.

For instance, party systems could implement internal mechanisms to ensure equitable candidate selection, including proportional representation for women in winnable districts and leadership positions. Coalition governance structures might formalize the inclusion of women in decision-making committees and policy negotiation tables, rather than relegating them to symbolic roles. Public discourse could be shaped by media and civil society initiatives that highlight women’s policy competence and reduce gendered framing that emphasises appearance, family status, or moral authority over expertise.

Comparative examples include New Zealand’s Labour Party under Jacinda Ardern, where internal party mentorship, collective leadership norms and strategic media communication enabled substantive policy influence, and Chile under Michelle Bachelet, where constitutional reforms and cross-party negotiations strengthened women’s participation in governance. Ultimately, these measures suggest that promoting effective female leadership, especially in progressive, left-leaning contexts, requires a combination of institutional, cultural, and procedural reforms designed to translate visibility into genuine decision-making power.

The international dimension remains critically relevant. Many donor agencies, research institutions, and political networks continue to operate under the assumption that women in power will inherently advance gender equality. However, the emergence of conservative female leaders reveals that leadership style, ideology, and institutional context are essential variables to keep in mind. Agencies like UN Women have long recognised this; its programs emphasise not just getting women into office but building their capacity, resilience, and normative influence through legal reforms, training, and social norms change. Rather than limiting support to liberal or progressive parties, policy interventions should prioritise institutional strengthening, civic education, and cross-ideological coalition-building, enabling women from all political backgrounds to exercise substantive power. For NGOs such as CARE or other women’s empowerment organisations, this means investing in political aspirants’ training, protecting them from gender-based violence in politics, and advocating for reforms within party structures and society to ensure real decision-making access, not just symbolic representation. Long-lasting change thus requires broad societal change towards gendered understandings of power, roles and expectations, while empowering women from all political and societal backgrounds to become actors of real political and socioeconomic change.

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